Expert Comment: Four lessons democrats can learn from Hungary’s election

Viktor Orbán’s defeat will long be remembered as a touchstone moment for European - and perhaps global - democracy. Almost three in four people now live in an autocratic or hybrid regimes. Freedom House’s 2026 Report reveals that global levels of democracy have declined for the twentieth consecutive year.  Today, the world is about as democratic as it was before the Berlin Wall fell.

Against this backdrop, Prime Minister-elect Péter Magyar’s resounding victory in Sunday’s elections shines a rare ray of hope.  It shows that committed democrats can still win at the ballot box, even when the political playing field is deeply uneven. As tens or hundreds of thousands poured into Hungary’s streets to celebrate, Magyar declared “The Hungarian people didn’t vote for a simple change of government, but for a complete change of regime.”

Hungary’s first difficult step toward democratic recovery offers lessons for committed democrats across the globe dedicated to preserving free elections, robust civil liberties and checks on executive power. Magyar managed to win a legislative majority big enough to change the constitution in a country where media is largely government-controlled and where courts and legislatures provide few meaningful checks on executive power. What lessons can defenders of democracy draw from this historic electoral upset?

The first lesson is that democrats everywhere should focus consistently and relentlessly on bread-and-butter issues that everyday voters care about. One reason that democracies deliver better growth than non-democracies is that independent media and judicial institutions make it harder to conceal corruption that is typically economically unproductive. Magyar’s party Tisza consistently hammered an affordability message, announcing a Hungarian New Deal that proposed working-class tax cuts, expanded health care, and higher teacher pay.  Magyar’s success was also supercharged by scandals that exposed the corruption in Orbán’s inner circle. But making democracy itself a core campaign theme rarely resonates. Citizens tend to cast ballots on whether their lives and their children’s lives feel better than those of the previous generation.  Successful campaigns speak directly to lived experience and offer credible, compelling solutions.

A second lesson is that successful defenders of democracy tend to reclaim rather than reject nationalism. Péter Magyar was rarely seen on the campaign trail without a Hungarian flag. This was not mere symbolism. Rhetorically, he framed Tisza as the defender of a Hungarian nation led astray.  Magyar campaigned on "taking back our country" and after winning, has reiterated his vow to pursue those politicians ‘who plundered Hungary.’ By leaning into nationalism and directly reframing Orban’s nationalist claims, Magyar inoculated himself against a central refrain of elected autocrats everywhere:  that political opposition represents a foreign, cosmopolitan or anti-national elite out of touch with ordinary people.  From Poland to Brazil, successful opposition movements have not defeated autocrats by rejecting their nationalism.  Instead, they have fought to re-define nationalism. 

The third lesson is that there is no substitute for mobilising (many) voters face to face.  Elections cannot be won through social media alone. Magyar’s campaign was defined by relentless, in-person engagement. He travelled extensively across the country, focusing on rural areas and small towns where Fidesz was strongest. At rallies, he lingered to take selfies and speak directly with supporters, turning political events into personal encounters. He was mobile and accessible, constantly putting himself in front of people, meeting them where they were. This kind of retail politics is easy to overlook in an era of digital campaigning. Behind every polished modern campaign that succeeds against the odds - from Magyar to Mamdani - typically lies a dense network of grassroots organisation built upon face-to-face contact that sustains the buzz.

The final lesson for democrats is to avoid fighting every battle.  Successful campaigns are disciplined. Leaders who try to speak to every issue risk diluting their message and owning none. Magyar maintained a consistent focus on a small number of themes: economic fairness and national renewal. He avoided being drawn into issues that would benefit his opponent. For example, when the Orbán government banned Pride parades, provoking liberal backlash, Magyar largely stayed silent, recognising that engaging would reinforce the government’s preferred narrative of a cosmopolitan opposition out of step with national values. Since the election, Magyar has signalled a broader commitment to protest rights, stating that everyone in Hungary, ‘everyone has the right to freedom of assembly. Period.”

It is too early to know whether Hungary will fully regain its democratic institutions. But every democratic reversal begins with the defeat of an autocratising government.  Magyar’s campaign offers up insights into how that can be done: by addressing everyday concerns, recasting national identity, meeting voters where they physically are, and maintaining disciplined, focused messaging. His victory offers a road-tested blueprint for democrat campaigns across the globe.

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